DOI: 10.65398/URDO3072
Ora Marek-Martinez, PhD, Northern Arizona University, Office of Native American Initiatives / Anthropology Department, Associate Vice President / Assistant Professor. Center for Braiding Indigenous Knowledges and Science, Co-Principal Investigator
Braiding Indigenous Knowledges and Western Science: Remembering Who We Are and Reclaiming Our Sacred Responsibility to Mother Earth
1. Indigenous Lifeworlds and Knowledge as a Critical Strand of Braiding
I would like to thank the session organizers and those who contributed to the unseen work that went into organizing such an amazing opportunity to bring us together to braid knowledge to address climate change – a phenomenon that none of us can evade without working together as Nihóokáa Diné’é Bilá Ashdla’ii – as Human Beings. I am both humbled and grateful to share some of the ancestral knowledge that has been generationally shared with me for a larger purpose – to combine our awareness with action to address climate change. I am here today to share this information to overcome the differences that separate us before Nahasdzáán or Mother Earth is destroyed. As human beings, each of has a Sacred Responsibility for stewarding our resources and lands in an Indigenous way – planning for the success of seven generations into the future.
In recognition of my Ancestors that have traveled to this place with me, as well as all your Ancestors, I would like to introduce myself in Diné Bizaad – Navajo language – because what I am sharing with you today is coming from my heart and from my lived experiences as an Indigenous woman and trained archaeologist. Shí éí Dził tłahnii nishłí dóó Nimíipuu éí baashishchiin. Kis’áanii éí dashicheii dóó Bilágáana éí dashinalí. Ákot’éego éí asdzáání nishłí. Lapwai, Idahodę́ę́ íyísii náasháa, aadóó Kinłanídí náasháagóó. All the women in my family, including my daughter and myself, come from a long line of Diné Mountain Cove clan women who go all the way back to our creation. My Father’s people are the ancient Nimípuu or Nez Perce from Northern Idaho in the US. My maternal grandfather was Hopi from Orayvi on Third Mesa, and my paternal grandfather was Czech and Italian. Because of my family and kinship, I am a Navajo and Nez Perce woman, and my pronouns are she/asdzáá/ayat. I was born and raised on the Nez Perce reservation, but I currently live in Flagstaff, Arizona, USA, under the watch of Dook’ó’oosłííd or the sacred San Francisco Peaks.
The information that I shared with you is Diné protocol; it is also my first call to combining awareness with action to establish kinship. Through this extended kinship network, I have relied on family and culture to guide my research and teaching, as well as a profound respect for the power that is inherent in these systems. Because I am of the land – everything that we have been gifted by Diyin Diné’é our deities, such as our homelands, our language, the intergenerational knowledge, and my medicine come from the land. I ground myself in my homelands. In my tamina, my heart, I know I was put on this Earth to fulfill my Sacred Responsibility to help my People thrive and survive, to protect our homelands and our sacred places in a way that braids – not combines – my Indigenous Knowledge and my western academic training and education.
The Diné or Navajo People based in what is now the United States of America’s southwestern states of Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah understand themselves as being nishłí or ‘of and from their homelands’. They have an ancient understanding of themselves and their connection to their homelands and all creation that provides a way of life that is conceptualized through four kinds of laws based on an ancient covenant through our Foundational Diné Laws, including our Traditional Laws, our Customary Laws, our Natural Laws, and our Common Laws. These laws, taken together as Diné Bi Beenahaz’áanii, guide our understanding of the place we hold within the environment, creating an intimate knowledge of how to live in hózhó or in a complementary, loving, and supportive way with and within their homelands.
My second call to combining awareness with action is to learn from Indigenous practices and Knowledge Holders in order to braid knowledges. Indigenous Knowledge is embodied knowledge based on an understanding and knowledge that has been honed over thousands of years of observation, trial and error, process, and evaluation, or what western science refers to as ‘knowledge’ or a body of knowledge and the process used to gain that knowledge. Indigenous Knowledges are localized and are a blueprint to survivance for our communities and for future generations; this is also the space to create common ground with non-Diné who wish to help. Diné knowledge has also provided the Diné people with a four-step “scientific method” that is based within our ceremonial knowledge and provides us with a way to hypothesize, plan, engage or act, evaluate and reflect on our experiences throughout the overall process and make changes as needed. This method is also aligned with our directionality and phase of life cultural teachings; each direction and “step” of the Diné scientific method is bundled with traditional knowledge regarding prayers, colors, protocol, and teachings. Taken together, this method provides the Diné with a unique understanding and connection with their Ancestors and their homelands.
Unfortunately, through the insidious process of settler-colonization, Indigenous knowledge has been relegated to myth or superstition and is considered outside of being usable or acceptable in scientific practice. This treatment of Indigenous knowledge from western academia has excluded the intellectual and practical contributions and knowledge of the Diné and many other Indigenous Peoples from climate change and environmental justice issues that were created all around them through extractive resource practices by industry, US, and foreign governments.
This 200-year relationship has resulted in some of the largest environmental disasters on Navajo reservation lands that continue to impact Navajo and other Indigenous Tribal Nations in the Southwest. For instance, there are over 1200 Super Fund Sites located throughout Navajo Tribal Lands; of note, is the largest release of radioactive materials in US history when in 1979 a uranium tailings disposal pond was breached on Navajo Tribal Lands at Church Rock in New Mexico, contaminating Navajo Nation waterways and lands. This spill contaminated and killed livestock, plant medicines, and Navajo Tribal Members who used resources that were contaminated from this spill. Unfortunately, this spill also contaminated precious groundwater and rendered a local river unusable. Several Navajo families who lived near the waterway were also contaminated via ingesting meat from cattle, crops, and contaminated water, as well as playing in contaminated water. As such, this area has seen disease rates at 2 to 8 times the national averages for kidney disease and diabetes (Shuey, deLemos, and George 2007).
This story is a shared experience for other Indigenous Peoples (n.b. the term “Indigenous” is based in a larger global context and is really an acknowledgement of the settler-colonial history of different countries with the Indigenous peoples; the UN created a definition of Indigenous that acknowledges the historically excluded status of Indigenous people throughout the world, and these groups are unique in that they maintain, practice, and perpetuate their cultural and ancestral practices and knowledge to younger generations), and the destruction, exploitation, and degradation of Indigenous lands, waters, and bodies has been and continues to be fueled by settler-colonial land claims for resource extraction and the belief grounded in colonization that Indigenous Peoples are extinct. We know that isn’t true – our languages and our cultures are alive. Our prayers, offerings, and songs connect us to our ancestors and to our pasts, they keep us grounded in the current moment and remind us to keep working for the benefit of future generations. This is what sustains us and is the motivation for continuing this work, because it is for ALL OF US – we are all Nihóokáa Diné’é Bilá Ashdla’ii – Five Finger Earth Surface People, or human beings.
In my research, I have found that the sociological concept of “Lifeworlds” is a critical framing of Indigenous embodied experiences that has been sufficient at explaining the way Indigenous epistemologies, ontologies, axiologies, pedagogies, and the colonial oppression that surrounds the world and experiences of Indigenous Peoples creates a very different understanding and engagement with the world. For the Diné People their lifeworld is interdependent with their homelands; for example, there is no distinction between the ‘natural’ and the ‘cultural’ world. The way that we understand the world dictates our relationship with the environment: we see much more than separate and disparate parts. This ancestral knowledge provides the Diné People with the ability to “experiment”. Additionally, in many Indigenous cultures, the interpretation of lived experiences with the past recognizes animate and inanimate relations, as well as the intangible aspects of cultural heritage. This information helps to tell the larger story of Indigenous connections to lands that are embedded with cultural stories and knowledge. For example, our kinship system extends to the environment: there is a relationality that exists within Indigenous knowledge systems. The Diné or Navajo have a holistic view of the environment they inhabit: thousands of years of lived experience contribute to our knowledge systems and our way of life provide us with tribally specific research approaches with which to investigate our environment; this is how we steward and care for the land.
Being raised in a very tight-knit community that emphasized keeping our Sacred Responsibility of serving the community and making it stronger for the next generation guides me in determining what kinds of research and service work to complete with and by Indigenous peoples. This is a critical aspect of Indigenizing research praxis, which can be enacted through reciprocity, which is the third call of combining awareness with action. Within this research framework, the research is co-designed to benefit or help Indigenous and/or local communities as it already benefits the researcher, and so it will be adapted to work that supports Indigenous Nation-building, community-expressed concerns, and needs, and building capacity as requested from communities. This has been a critical approach to Indigenize research for me as a Diné asdzáán (Navajo woman), a mother, and as an Indigenous scholar. My culture nurtured, guided, and supported me throughout my life, and I have come to rely on my cultural knowledge and education in all facets of my life to honor my ancestors and my communities. This knowledge and the relationships established and maintained through acts of reciprocity are components of relationality that are culturally important to the community you’re assisting. By engaging in reciprocity with community members, you are building trust and establishing long-term relationships.
2. Settler-Colonization in the USA and its impact on Indigenous Peoples and Lands
The impact of settler-colonization on the relationships connecting Indigenous Peoples to their homelands in North America, particularly in the United States, has been devastating. The impact of broken treaties with federally recognized Tribal Nations has resulted in the fractionization of Tribal Lands and the removal of Indigenous Peoples – the traditional land stewards – from their usual and accustomed homelands, and consequently the destruction of waterways and food systems that support all people for commercial or natural resources extraction.
Reflecting from a cultural level, Indigenous Peoples have faced generational impacts of this abuse and removal, which are believed to be manifested in the number of social ills disproportionally affecting US Tribal Nations, such as the epidemic of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Relatives (MMIR) connected to extractive environmental industries such as mining, and the extremely high rates of Indigenous youth suicide – almost 2.5 times higher than the general US population (Pappas 2023). The overall desecration of Indigenous homelands – those lands that are the usual and accustomed homelands of the United States’ Indigenous Peoples, i.e. America – is reflective of mainstream societies’ negative historical narratives and contemporary perspectives, understanding, and treatment of Indigenous Peoples characterized as extractive and genocidal.
To change the way that Indigenous Knowledges are regarded in academic scientific spaces, and to begin exploring how to utilize Indigenous Knowledges, the fourth call to combining awareness with action is to confront and interrogate misconceptions about Indigenous peoples and Indigenous knowledge, resulting from colonial-based research. Within archaeology, there has been historical rejection of Indigenous knowledge in site interpretations and in creating archaeological narratives that become factualized and have displaced Indigenous peoples as experts of their own cultures; this practice can be seen in many other STEM fields. However, we are seeing a resurgence in the application of Indigenous ancestral knowledge in all fields – but we have particularly witnessed the power of traditional ecological knowledge in the fire management knowledge systems of Australian aboriginal peoples and California Indigenous peoples, for example.
Within archaeology, confronting and interrogating misconceptions about Indigenous knowledge has shifted to the act of Indigenizing archaeological-based research, which centers the act of reconnecting Indigenous narratives to ancestral and cultural homelands. Our histories, identities, and presence have been designed, created, and classified by anthropologists and archaeologists for over 200 years. This is why Indigenous archaeology is so important for me, as it has provided a pathway for Indigenous communities to engage sovereignty in cultural heritage work in culturally-based ways that protect tribal lands, protect the tangible and intangible aspects of heritage, protect tribal sovereignty, and prepare future generations to continue this important work (Marek-Martinez 2016, 2021). Most importantly, however, is that Indigenous peoples are the experts, the authorities over their own pasts, presents, and futures – there should be nothing about us without us.
The act of interrogating and subverting unequal power balances that exist between Indigenous Peoples and scientists creates opportunities to learn from Indigenous knowledges in decision-making over stewardship of the environment, supporting Indigenous peoples in leadership positions, requesting co-management opportunities for tribal nations and federal agencies, and the implementation of Indigenous citizen-scientist programs for conservation, environmental, and climate change work. Once scientists begin to interrogate the source of patronizing language and attitudes about Indigenous Knowledges, and collaborate with Indigenous scientists, we will undoubtedly begin to see advances in the way we are able to innovate braided approaches to address climate change.
As a guiding framework to overcoming the impacts of colonial-based research, scientists can learn from the Land Back movement, which can be described as the return of Indigenous lands to Indigenous Peoples. Within my research focus of Indigenous archaeology, this looks like the protection of sacred places, reclamation of stewardship and protection of the environment back to Indigenous people, including the reclamation of Indigenous decision-making, acknowledgement and valuing Indigenous ancestral knowledge. But this movement is changing the landscape of environmental and social justice issues and leadership to provide spaces for Indigenous peoples to educate, share, and reclaim these spaces. The Land Back movement has contributed to creating pathways to healthy, safe futures for Indigenous peoples. This is an example of an Indigenous framework that can be applied to any environmental or social issue. For example, if we look at extractive mining industries and how this enterprise impacts Indigenous communities, we see that if we as Indigenous peoples are able to reclaim this landscape and work to protect lands, waters, and our peoples, which are critical parts of Indigenous knowledge, then we are able stop the destruction of our sacred places, our homelands, and our relatives, as we know that extractive industries create “man camps” that are well known to target Indigenous women, which contributes to the high rates of MMIR (Stern 2021).
3. Braiding Indigenous Knowledge and Science as Decolonization
Decolonization is a two-step process that involves both Settlers and Indigenous peoples. It is the process of deconstructing colonial ideologies about the superiority and privilege of Western thought and investigative research approaches to overcome systems of oppression that disproportionately impact Indigenous Peoples. For example, words have power and are often weaponized against Indigenous Peoples in ways that undermine their connections to their lands and render them invisible in land stewardship and climate efforts. The use of words like “discovery” when referring to the New World, or even “discoveries”, creates a separation of Indigenous peoples from land stewardship and management. To Indigenous peoples, the ancestral knowledge that has been passed down for generations has told us about where we come from and how we got to our current homelands, thereby placing us as stewards and caretakers of homelands. This knowledge is beginning to be verified through archaeology, especially in the cultural affiliation of the Ancient One or Kennewick Man with the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, something thought impossible by many archaeologists because he was dated to 9,600 C.E., or the discovery of an ancient (16,000-year-old) fishing village known as “Cooper’s Ferry” but known to the Nez Perce tribe as Nipehe. These sites have pushed the antiquity of the “New world” even further back than allowed by American archaeology. Based on this deconstruction we begin dismantling structures and systems that perpetuate the status quo (and the use of antiquated words that sever the ties Indigenous peoples maintain with their deep pasts), and we begin addressing unbalanced power dynamics born because of violent colonial processes.
The second part of the Decolonization process is valuing and revitalizing Indigenous knowledges and investigative approaches, making way for a shift from a western based research approach to approaches that include the spaces for alternative knowledges. This also includes weeding out settler biases or assumptions that impact Indigenous ways of being and Indigenous peoples in contemporary society. We can see this for example in the choice of words used to describe Indigenous peoples and their knowledges, histories, and cultures which negatively impacts learning and potentially perpetuates negative stereotypes of Indigenous people and the ability to “use” Indigenous Knowledges to address issues such as climate change. I do not want to place blame, but I do want to bring attention to the ways that words can be weaponized to dehumanize and diminish the connections that Indigenous people maintain with the landscape and the ability of Indigenous Knowledges to provide innovative solutions to the impacts of climate change. The active destruction of Indigenous lifeways via a “vanishing Indian” narrative has created a sense in mainstream American society that “American Indians” or “Native Americans” are extinct or that we are assimilated into American society so that we no longer engage in our cultural practices, and it becomes easy to think of our ancestral places as “ruins” or even Indigenous cultures becoming “extinct cultures”.
Efforts to integrate Indigenous Knowledge and Western Science in research have demonstrated that compatibilities exist between the two knowledge frameworks. At the same time, we also must recognize that trying to integrate or combine these knowledge systems creates a competitive environment wherein one knowledge system is given authority and priority, and the other becomes a tool or even worse – a colloquial anecdote for the “real science”. This is because these knowledge systems are based on different ways of knowing (epistemologies), being (ontologies), and doing (axiologies). For example, Indigenous Knowledge is place based and localized, while Western Science aims to universalize. Indigenous Knowledge has long studied the world through an interconnected and interdependent framework of relationality, viewing humans as intimately part of natural systems, and land, water, and animals as relatives. Western Science has taken a reductionist approach that divides natural and cultural realms and rigorously isolates objects of study from their context (CBIKS 2023). Most U.S. scientists lack training, skills, and experience to conduct research in this framework, and are often hesitant or even resistant to conceptualize what “braiding” may look like in their own research.
4. Braiding (not Combining) Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Science
For decades, Indigenous Knowledge systems were ignored or marginalized as many scientists failed to recognize the contributions that Indigenous Knowledge systems bring to the practice, process, and methodologies of scientific research and the scientific information and data carried within these systems (Nelson 2014). Drawing on a growing body of evidence accumulated over the past 2-3 decades, natural and social scientists from multiple disciplines are coming to recognize that Indigenous Knowledge systems carry important scientific data and observations (Bonta et al. 2017, Donovan and Puri 2004, Eckert et al. 2018, Fernandez-Llamazares et al. 2021, Forest Peoples Programme et al. 2020, IPCC 2014, Jessen et al. 2022, Lee et al. 2018, Pierotti and Wildcat 2000, Parlee et al. 2014, Polfus et al. 2014, Service CN et al. 2014) and that Indigenous Knowledge systems can be braided together with Western Science to provide research methodologies that have the potential to produce new knowledge that contributes significantly to our scientific understandings of the world.
Research that braids these knowledge systems can provide more robust and complete understandings on climate change, protection of archaeological sites and cultural places, and changing food systems (Bala and Gheverghese 2007, Hopkins et al. 2019, Huambachano 2018, IPCC 2019, King and Goff 2010, Makondo and Thomas 2018, McAnany and Rowe 2015, Ubisi, Kolanisi, and Jiri 2019), all critical issues to scientists and to many Indigenous communities. As such, my final call to combining awareness with action is to learn how to braid Indigenous Knowledge systems and Western Science systems to enhance our understanding of our natural systems, and to strengthen and innovate our responses to climate change. Our goal then is to learn how to braid these knowledge systems. We do this through conducting transdisciplinary research in specific places to develop generalizable methodologies that matter to both scientists and Indigenous communities, which are focused on the urgent concerns of climate change, destruction of cultural places, and protection and cultivation of foodways.
Effective and appropriate braided methodologies require that research be carried out with, rather than on, Indigenous communities and involve “plural coexistence” of both knowledge systems (McGregor 2008, Reid et al. 2022). This is in distinct contrast to attempts to blend or integrate one into the other, which have resulted in erasure, reproduction of extractive colonial practices, and further marginalization of IK (Liboiron 2021, McGregor 2009, Sidik 2022). Indigenous cultures have plural coexistence frameworks, several of which use metaphors of braiding or weaving (Atalay 2012; Hopkins et al. 2019, Kimmerer 2013, 2015). The verb-based metaphor of braiding indicates the importance of action, of utilizing Indigenous Knowledges and Western Science in research that addresses a shared problem for mutual benefit. Just as with strands in a braid, this approach allows both knowledge systems to retain their integrity and they become stronger braided together.
Acknowledgements
Ahé’héé’ Shíałchíní, thank you to my children for your love and support, I do this work for your futures! I would like to thank both President Joachim von Braun and President Prof. Sr Helen Alford for the kind invitation to share knowledge with an amazing group of scholars who are dedicated to making this world stronger and viable for seven generations forward. I would also like to thank Prof. Sonya Atalay and Director Addie Rose Holland of the Center for Braiding Indigenous Knowledges and Science for the encouragement and support to travel and participate in a critical workshop. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support from Vice President Ann Marie Chischilly and President José Luis Cruz Rivera of Northern Arizona University for their direction and support of these important opportunities.
Bibliography
Atalay, S. (2012) Community-Based Archaeology: Research with, by, and for Indigenous and Local Communities. University of California Press.
Bala A, Gheverghese Joseph G. Indigenous knowledge and western science: the possibility of dialogue. Race & Class. 2007 Jul;49(1):39-61.
Bonta, M., Adaptatio Gosford, R., Eussen, D., Ferguson, N., Loveless, E., Witwe, M. (2017). Intentional fire spreading by “firehawk” raptors in northern Australia. Journal of Ethnobiology 37: 700-18.
Center for Braiding Indigenous Knowledges and Science. “Home Page”. Home Page information. Accessed March 1, 2024. https://www.umass.edu/gateway/research/indigenous-knowledges
Donovan, D., and Puri, R. (2004). Learning from traditional knowledge of non-timber forest products: Penan Benalui and the autecology of Aquilaria in Indonesian Borneo. Ecology and Society 9:3.
Eckert, L., Ban, N.C., Frid, A., and McGreer, M. 2018. Diving back in time: extending historical baselines for yelloweye rockfish with Indigenous knowledge. Aquatic Conservation 28: 158-66.
Fernandez-Llamazares, A., Lepofsky, D., Lertzman, K., Armstrong, C.G., Brondizio, E.B., Gavin, M., Phil O’B. Lyver, Nicholas, G., Pascua, P., Reo, N.J., Reyes-Garcfa, V., Turner, N., Yletyinen, J., Anderson, E.N., Balee, W., Carino, J., David-Chavez, D., Dunn, C.P., Garnett, S.C., Greening, S. (La’goot), Jackson, S. (Niniwum Selapem), Kuhnlein, H. Molnar, Z., Odonne, G., Gunn-Britt Retter, Ripple,W., Safian,L., Sharifian Bahraman,A., Torrents-Tico, M., Blaich Vaughan, M. (2021). Scientists’ Warning to Humanity on Threats to Indigenous and Local Knowledge Systems, Journal of Ethnobiology, 41(2):144-169.
Forest Peoples Programme. (2020), International Indigenous Forum on Biodiversity, Indigenous Women’s Biodiversity Network, Centres of Distinction on Indigenous and Local Knowledge and Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. 2020. Local Biodiversity Outlooks 2. Moreton-in-Marsh, Forest Peoples Programme, England.
Hopkins, D., Joly, T., Sykes, H., Waniandy, A., Grant, J., Gallagher, L., Hansen, L., Wall, K., Fortna, P., Bailey, M. (2019). “Learning Together”: Braiding Indigenous and Western Knowledge Systems to Understand Freshwater Mussel Health in the Lower Athabasca Region of Alberta, Canada. Journal of Ethnobiology, 39(2): 315-336.
Huambachano, M. (2018). Enacting food sovereignty in Aotearoa New Zealand and Peru: revitalizing Indigenous knowledge, food practices and ecological philosophies. Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems 42:9, 1003-1028.
IPCC (2014). Climate Change 2014: Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability. Part A: Global and Sectoral Aspects. Contribution of Working Group II to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, ed. CB Field et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Summary for policymakers 1-32.
IPCC, 2019: Climate Change and Land: an IPCC special report on climate change, desertification, land degradation, sustainable land management, food security, and greenhouse gas fluxes in terrestrial ecosystems.
Jessen, T., Ban, N., XEMŦOLTW Claxton, N., Darimont, C. (2022). Contributions of Indigenous Knowledge to ecological and evolutionary understanding. Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment 20(2): 93-101.
Kimmerer, R.W. (2015). Braiding sweetgrass. Milkweed Editions.
Kimmerer, R.W. (2013). The fortress, the river and the garden: A new metaphor for cultivating mutualistic relationship between scientific and traditional ecological knowledge. In Contemporary Studies in Environmental and Indigenous Pedagogies: A Curricula of Stories and Place, pp. 49-76. Brill Publishing.
King, D.N. and Goff, J.R. (2010). Benefitting from differences in knowledge, practice and belief: Māori oral traditions and natural hazards science, Natural Hazards and Earth Systems Sciences 10:1927-1940.
Lander, E. & Mallory, B. (2021, Nov 15). Indigenous Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Federal Decision Making. Office of Science and Technology Policy: Council on Environmental Quality.
Lee L., Thorley, J., Watson, J., Reid, M., Salomon, A. (2018). Diverse knowledge systems reveal social-ecological dynamics that inform species conservation status. Conservation Letters 12: e12613. 1-11.
Liboiron, M. (2021). Pollution is colonialism. Duke University Press.
Makondo, C., and Thomas, D.S. (2018). Climate change adaptation: Linking indigenous knowledge with western science for effective adaptation. Environmental Science & Policy 88:83-91.
Marek-Martinez, Ora V. 2016. Archaeology For, By, and With the Navajo People: The Nihook’aa Dine’e’ Bila’ Ashdla’ii Way. PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley.
Marek-Martinez, Ora V. 2021. Indigenous archaeological approaches and the refusal of colonialism in archaeology. In Routledge Handbook of the Archaeology of Indigenous-Colonial Interaction in the Americas, edited by Lee M. Panich and Sara Gonzalez, pp. 503-515. Routledge, London.
McAnany, P. and Rowe, S. (2015). Re-visiting the field: Collaborative archaeology as paradigm shift. Journal of Field Archaeology 40:5, 499-507.
McGregor, D. (2008). Linking traditional ecological knowledge and western science: aboriginal perspectives from the 2000 State of the Lakes Conference. Canadian Journal of Native Studies 28:139-158.
McGregor, D. (2009). Linking traditional knowledge and environmental practice in Ontario. Journal of Canadian Studies 43:69-100.
Nelson, M.K. (2014). Indigenous science and traditional ecological knowledge persistence in place. In: Warrior, R. (ed.), The World of Indigenous North America. (pp.188-214). Routledge.
Pappas, Stephanie. 2023. “More than 20% of teens have seriously considered suicide. Psychologists and communities can help tackle the problem”. Monitor on Psychology, July 1, 2023. https://www.apa.org/monitor/2023/07/psychologists-preventing-teen-suicide#:~:text=American%20Indian%20and%20Alaska%20Native,high%20school%20students%20in%20distress
Parlee, B., Goddard E., Łutsël K’é Dene First Nation, and Smith M. (2014). Tracking change: traditional knowledge and monitoring of wildlife health in northern Canada. Human Dimensions of Wildlife 19: 47-61.
Pierotti, R. & Wildcat, D. (2000). Traditional Ecological Knowledge: The Third Alternative (Commentary). Ecological Applications 10(5): 1333-1340.
Polfus, JL., Heinemeyer, K., Hebblewhite, M., and Taku River Tlingit First Nation. (2014). Comparing traditional ecological knowledge and Western science woodland caribou habitat models: TEK caribou habitat models. Journal of Wildlife Management 78:112-21.
Reid, A., Eckert, L., Lane, J-F., Young, N., Hinch, S., Darimont, C., Cooke, S., Ban, N., Marshall, A. (2020). “Two-Eyed Seeing”: An Indigenous framework to transform fisheries research and management. Fish and Fisheries 22(2):243-261.
Service CN., Adams, MS., Artelle, KA., Paquet, P., Grant, L., Darimont, C. (2014). Indigenous knowledge and science unite to reveal spatial and temporal dimensions of distributional shift in wildlife of conservation concern. PLoS ONE 9(7): e101595.
Shuey, C., deLemos, J., George C. 2007. Uranium mining and community exposures on the Navajo Nation. Presentation at American Public Health Association Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, November 7, 2007.
Sidik, S. (2022) Weaving Indigenous knowledge into the scientific method. Nature. 601(7892):285-287.
Stern, Julia. 2021. “Pipeline of Violence: The Oil Industry and Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women” Immigration and Human Rights Law Review, May 28, 2021. https://lawblogs.uc.edu/ihrlr/2021/05/28/pipeline-of-violence-the-oil-industry-and-missing-and-murdered-indigenous-women/
Ubisi NR, Kolanisi U, Jiri O. (2019). Comparative review of indigenous knowledge systems and modern climate science. Ubuntu: Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation 8(2):53-73.