Qing Huang, Lun Yin, Yingzhi Kuang, Wei Liu, Xunqi Li, Weilin Xu, Misiani Zachary

Abstract

Climate change is having an increasing impact on forest resources in the East Himalaya region. It also poses a threat to the traditional livelihoods of the local Tibetan people, who depend heavily on forest resources. At the same time, the local Tibetans have formed the traditional knowledge of forest resource management through the accumulation of generations. Such knowledge includes observation, classification, utilization, protection and belief in forest resources. Today, in the context of climate change, this traditional knowledge has changed lot. Traditional knowledge is undergoing a dynamic process of change to help local Tibetans adapt to the impacts of climate change. In the context of the impact of global climate change on indigenous peoples, this local adaptation strategy also contains a global perspective. The value of traditional knowledge, the mechanism of cooperation among multi-stakeholders, and the special role of women embodied in it can be used for reference by indigenous peoples in other regions of the world in establishing adaptation strategies to climate change.

1. Introduction

Global climate is changing, and the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events are likely to increase in the future (IPCC，2007). Climate change is now a major threat to environment, natural resource and ecosystem, including the forest. An estimated 350 million people around the globe who live adjacent to dense forests depend on them for subsistence and income (World Bank，2004). Forest-dominated mountainous landscapes provide a wide range of ecosystem services for people residing in the mountains, as well as for people residing in lower hills and plains (Grêt-Regamey et al., 2012). For many indigenous peoples and local communities, their life depends on the surrounding environment, particularly forest resources and ecosystem. They are the first to face the direct or indirect consequences of climate change. The increasingly diverse effects of climate change pose a threat to them.

At the same time, indigenous peoples and local communities have rich and diverse traditional knowledge, technologies and culture that have been used for generations in planning and implementing natural resources management, climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction related solutions (UNFCCC, 2013). The role and value of traditional knowledge and practices in climate change adaptation, mitigation, and disaster risk reduction is recognized at the global level (Shawoo & Thornton, 2019). Indigenous peoples and local communities use traditional knowledge as the basis for local level decision making for forest resources management. Traditional knowledge can take stock of the available forest ecosystem resources, enhance people’s understanding of the nature of climatic risks, identify gaps in adaptive capacity of individuals and institutions and reduce the cost of adaptation by using local knowledge and physical resources (Kieu et al., 2022). Based on their traditional knowledge, indigenous peoples and local communities develop various approaches for coping with the impacts of climate change. While they have no previous experience with the effects of climate change specifically, they do have extensive accumulated experience adapting to environmental change. Traditional knowledge helps them reduce their vulnerability to the impacts of climate change and better survive in an increasingly adverse environment (Karki & Adhikari, 2015; Ahmed & Atiqul Haq, 2019).

In the Himalayas, the third pole of planet, compared with other regions of the world, the ecosystems are more fragile. The impact of climate change is more evident here. The Himalaya seems to be warming more than the global average rate (Shrestha et al., 1999; Liu & Cheng, 2000). Temperature increases are greater during the winter and autumn than during the summer. And the increases are larger at higher altitudes (Liu & Cheng, 2000). In this case, Himalayan forests are vulnerable to climate change and suffer severe ecological degradation due to anthropogenic pressures (Ma et al., 2012). Impacts of climate change are already evident on the forest systems in Himalayas, the direct and indirect role of climate change in vegetation degradation due to invasion of alien species, forest destruction due to over-increasing occurrences of forest fires, and reduction in forest productivity, including timber forest products and non-timber forest products. The forests in the Himalayan region are known to be multifunctional as they provide a range of ecosystem services for supporting livelihood options of local communities (Tripathi et al., 2022). Local communities are legacies of human-nature interactions that have been going on for a long time, creating cultural landscapes and traditional systems of forest resource management in many regions (Chakraborty et al., 2018).

In the East Himalaya region in southwest China, climate change is having an increasing impact on forest resources. It also poses a threat to the traditional livelihoods of the local Tibetan people, because of their livelihoods depending heavily on forest resources. Local Tibetans have also formed the traditional knowledge of forest resource management through the accumulation of generations. Such knowledge includes observation, classification, utilization, protection and belief in forest resources and this traditional knowledge is also undergoing a dynamic process of change. The present research explores, in the context of climate change, how traditional knowledge can help local Tibetans manage their forest resources, and how they develop the adaptation planning of climate change based on their traditional knowledge in the community level. Therefore, in the Eastern Himalayas, Tibetan traditional knowledge of forest resource management and its adaptation to climate change can provide a local perspective for understanding global climate change.

2. Background

2.1 Study Area

Deqin County belongs to the Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Yunnan Province, China. It is located in the northwest of Yunnan Province, at the eastern end of the Himalayan-Hengduan Mountains, the southern edge of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, and the upper reaches of the Lancang River (Mekong River). It is located at 98°35'06"-99°32'20" east longitude and 27°33'04"-29°15'12" north latitude. It borders Batang and Derong County in Sichuan Province to the east and Weixi County of Shangri-La City to the south. It borders Gongshan Dulong Autonomous County in Nujiang Prefecture to the west and Zuogong County, Qamdo City, Tibet Autonomous Region to the north. It has jurisdiction over 2 towns and 6 townships, with a total area of approximately 7,291 km² (Fig. 1).

Being located at an altitude from 1755 meters to 6584 meters, Deqin lies in the transition between a subtropical highland climate and humid continental climate, which is remarkable for its latitude. Although mean maximum temperatures stay above freezing year-round, minima are below freezing from November to March, and temperatures average -2.1°C (28.2°F) in January, 12.7°C (54.9°F) in July, while the annual mean is 5.65°C (42.2°F). Rainfall is concentrated between June and September, accounting for nearly 60% of the annual total of 622 mm (24.5 in). Snowfall is rare but still causes major transport problems in the winter. With monthly percent possible sunshine ranging from 29% in July to 62% in December, the county seat receives 1,989 hours of bright sunshine annually, with autumn and winter sunnier than spring and summer (Chen et al., 2017).

Deqin is located in the Eastern Himalayas and also central part of the Hengduan Mountains, and contains the valleys of the Salween, Mekong, and Yangtze Rivers. Meili Snow Mountain is a mountain range in Deqin. It is bounded by the Salween River on the west and the Mekong on the east. The crest of the range rises to over 6,000 meters above sea level, making for impressive prominence over the river valleys to the east and west, which are between 1,500 meters and 1,900 meters in elevation. The highest peak is Kawagebo, which rises to 6,740 meters. Kawagebo is considered sacred for Tibetan Buddhists.

In Deqin, 80% of its 55,000 inhabitants are Tibetan, the Tibetans in this area live at a range of elevations, from relatively low-lying warm and dry valleys (around 2000 m) to high, cool and moist mountain area (above 3000 m). Most Tibetan people in Deqin make use of a diversity of ecological and climatic zones distributed along the elevation gradient (Sun et al., 2018). The agropastoralism is the main and important traditional livelihood to local Tibetan people in Deqin.

2.2 Forest belt and traditional livelihood

Due to the landform and climate of Deqin, there are obviously vertical forest belts. The traditional livelihood of the local Tibetan people is agropastoralism and the collection of non-timber forest products. The forest belts at different altitudes are closely related to the traditional livelihood of the local Tibetan people, providing a natural and material basis for them.

2.2.1 Alpine shrub, meadow and animal husbandry

The altitude of alpine shrub and meadow is between 4,200 m and 4,600 m above sea level. The climate is cold and the terrain is wide. The cold air convection is frequent. The common shrubs are azalea, cypress, willow, etc.

This is the summer pasture of the local Tibetans. The meadow provides the place and pasture for grazing. The herdsmen graze here every summer, and the main livestock include yaks, buffaloes and yellow cattle.

2.2.2 Temperate evergreen coniferous forest, cold temperate coniferous forest belt and collection of non-timber forest products

The temperate evergreen coniferous forest and the cold temperate coniferous forest belt are between 3,000 m and 4,200 m above sea level, with abundant rainfall and cold climate, mainly distributed in spruce, fir, hemlock, pine, cypress, etc.

Local Tibetans mainly collect non timber forest products (NTFP) here, including tricholoma matsutake and other wild bacteria with high economic value. The collection of NTFP is the main source of income for villagers.

2.2.3 Subtropical broad-leaved forest belt and agriculture

The altitude of the subtropical broad-leaved forest belt ranges from 2,200 meters to 3,000 meters, mainly distributed with arbors and shrubs, including linden, oak, hazel, yellow fir, pine, etc.

Here, local Tibetans mainly cut down trees and branches for firewood and farmyard manure; it provides important support for agriculture. In history, villagers also cut down the forest here for farmland. Today, due to the national policy of returning farmland to forest, most farmland has been abandoned and restored to forest.

3. Methodology

3.1 Ethno-ecology Methods

Through semi-structured interviews and questionnaires with villagers, the relationship among climate change, different forest belts and traditional livelihood were investigated. At the same time, we conducted the survey on the support of forest environment and resources to animal husbandry, collection and agriculture.

First of all, according to the forest belt and the traditional way of livelihood, we divided the surveyed villagers into three groups. Secondly, in the process of investigation, we attached great importance to gender perspective: each group had the same number of men and women (50). Three groups included 300 villagers.

3.2 Community based research

Community research methods are mainly used to investigate the villagers’ traditional knowledge of using forest biodiversity resources, including traditional technology, customary law and culture. We also encourage villagers to conduct research, investigate and document the impact of climate change on forests.

We also divided the villagers into three research groups according to their traditional livelihood. Each research group is led by local experts with traditional knowledge, who organize and lead the villagers to carry out community research. In this process, we also take a gender perspective.

The first group is about animal husbandry research. Because it is often men who are engaged in animal husbandry, and men have more traditional knowledge of animal husbandry, most of the members of this group are men.

The second group is the research on the NTFP collection. Because women are often engaged in the collection, they have more traditional knowledge about it, so most of the members of this group are women.

The third group is the study of agriculture. Since both men and women are engaged in agriculture and have relevant traditional knowledge, the members of this group are more average in gender.

3.3 Traditional knowledge-based forest management and adaptation plan

On the basis of traditional knowledge and forest management, we discussed and established the climate change adaptation plan with villagers in view of the negative impact of climate change on forest resources and traditional livelihoods. Traditional knowledge, customary law, traditional organizations and belief culture are all included in this adaptation plan in response to different threats and challenges brought about by climate change (Granderson, 2017).

4. Results and Discussion

4.1 The perspective of forest in climate change

With increasing climate change, local villagers have observed and felt the impact of climate change on forests. These perspectives are also based on traditional livelihoods.

4.1.1 Expansion of alpine shrub and atrophy of meadow

In the alpine shrub and meadows of the high-altitude area, the villagers have obviously felt the temperature rise in this area in recent years, which is warmer than before. In this context, the villagers observed that the alpine shrubs were expanding and invading the high-altitude meadow, which made the meadow shrink year by year, and the shrinking of the meadow directly affected animal husbandry.

In response to this phenomenon, through a questionnaire survey of 50 men and 50 women, we found the following results.

From the above Fig. 2, we can see that compared with women, more men have observed the impact of climate change on alpine shrubs and meadows. This is because men are mainly engaged in animal husbandry in this area. In the process of grazing, they directly feel that due to the rising temperature, alpine shrubs are gradually expanding to high-altitude meadows, and the area of meadows is gradually becoming smaller. Women generally do not engage in animal husbandry or live in alpine pastures, so they do not have a very intuitive observation on the impact of climate change in this area on forest vegetation and animal husbandry.

4.1.2 Instability of the yield of NTFP

In the temperate evergreen coniferous forest and cold temperate coniferous forest area, villagers are more aware of the impact of climate instability and extreme weather phenomena such as drought and heavy rainfall. Climate instability and extreme weather directly affect the collection of NTFP. What’s more, the yield of NTFP is becoming very unstable.

In response to this phenomenon, through a questionnaire survey of 50 men and 50 women, we found the following results.

From the above Fig. 3, we can see that women are mainly engaged in the collection of non-wood forest products. Therefore, compared with men, women are more aware of the instability of the climate, and extreme weather phenomena are more frequent in this region, which increases the uncertainty of their collection of NTFP. Because men are generally not engaged in the collection of NTFP, they do not have much direct observation on the impact of climate change on the collection. But since the collection of NTFP is the main source of economic income for local villagers, they will also have indirect feelings.

4.1.3 Slowdown of vegetation restoration

In the subtropical broad-leaved forest area, the villagers feel it more because of the rising temperature, and the speed of vegetation restoration which becomes slow after the deforestation in this forest belt. Compared with previous years, newly growing seedlings become less and less.

In response to this phenomenon, through a questionnaire survey of 50 men and 50 women, we found the following results.

From the above Fig. 4, we can see that as both men and women participate in agriculture, men are mainly engaged in firewood cutting in this forest belt, while women are cutting branches and leaves for farmhouse fertilizer, so they have a direct perspective of the impact of climate change on the forests in this region.

4.2 Traditional knowledge-based forest management

After generations of experience and knowledge accumulation, local villagers have formed their own forest management mode. This mode of forest management is based on traditional forest-related knowledge, including forest classification system, forest utilization and protection measures, forest belief and culture.

4.2.1 Classification and utilization of forest

For the villagers, based on the traditional knowledge, the forest has been classified in several ways based on different criterions.

First, based on traditional belief, the forest is divided into two parts: sacred forest and secular forest. The sacred forest belongs to the sacred mountain, and all the animals and plants in it also belong to the sacred mountain. There are also various deities in the sacred forest. Therefore, local customary law forbids cutting wood, hunting animals, gathering plants and grazing livestock in the sacred forest. At the same time, white pagodas should be built near the sacred forest, and rituals should be held regularly. The small ceremony is presided over by old men, while the large ceremony is presided over by monks, praying for the blessing of the sacred forest and the sacred mountain to the village and people. In the secular forest, traditionally, villagers can use all the forest resources, including animals, trees and plants. In recent years, due to national laws, hunting is strictly prohibited, and logging is also strictly restricted (Rao et al., 2010).

Secondly, according to use, the forest is divided into two parts: firewood forest and building wood forest. Firewood forest is generally low in altitude. The trees here are loose in material quality level and suitable for firewood in families. The building wood forest is located in the high-altitude area, where the trees and wood are compact and suitable for building houses.

Third, according to traditional livelihoods, forests are divided into three parts: grazing forest, gathering forest and agricultural forest. The grazing forest is located in the high-altitude area, which is mainly composed of three parts: forest pasture, sparse forest and alpine meadow. The temperature is cold, herdsmen migrate here in summer, build wooden huts or build tents to temporarily live for three months, and graze livestock. The forest is located in the areas with medium altitude, most of which are primitive forests. The environment is humid, the vegetation is well preserved, and the biodiversity resources are rich. In summer and autumn, villagers gather different kinds of NTFP here. The agricultural forest is located in the low altitude area, where there are still traces of slash and burn cultivation in history. The villagers set fire to the mountains, making the forest become farmland. However, due to the prohibition of national laws and the change in villagers’ agricultural methods, today it has been restored as a forest zone. In the forest here, the villagers mainly cut down branches and leaves and hoard them for farmyard manure.

4.2.2 Customary law for use of forest

In addition to the above-mentioned customary laws prohibiting the logging of sacred forests, there are also customary laws for the use of forest resources.

In the grazing forest area, herdsmen have the system of grazing in different forest pastures and alpine meadows to protect the pasture resources and forest vegetation to the greatest extent. In this way, the villagers can avoid the phenomenon of overgrazing in a certain place and the degradation of vegetation in a proper place. Thus, villagers can avoid the phenomenon of overgrazing in a certain place, which leads to vegetation degradation.

In the firewood forest and agricultural forest, the villagers will divide the forest into five to twelve areas and cut them in different areas in turn to form a cycle of forest vegetation restoration. At the same time, in villages with less forest resources, the villagers also distinguish between dry wood and wet wood when cutting wood. Dry wood is a tree that has naturally died and fallen. Wet wood is the living tree growing. In this context, the villagers formed a traditional custom of using dry wood for four days and wet wood for three days in a week.

In the building wood forest, the use of wood is very strict. Only the villagers who are building houses can cut wood, and they should apply to the village in advance and obtain permission. Whether it is national law or common law, cutting wood for sale is strictly prohibited (Zhou et al., 2020).

In the gathering forest, because the collection of NTFP is directly related to the household cash income of each farmer, customary law is also the strictest. Among all the NTFP, tricholoma matsutake is the most valuable, so the customary law for collecting tricholoma matsutake is the strictest. First of all, the collection of the seedlings of tricholoma matsutake is strictly prohibited by customary law to prevent damage to the habitat of the collection site and ensure that tricholoma matsutake will grow in the next year. Secondly, every village has its own forest area: villagers from other villages are strictly forbidden to enter to collect matsutake. If villagers from other villages want to enter, they must pay a sum of money called “mountain entry fee”. If the villagers in the outer village are found without paying, there will be a huge fine waiting for them. Third, the villagers will select a special person to supervise whether there are villagers collecting and selling the seedlings of matsutake in the market. If there are villagers doing this, they will be fined.

4.2.3 Traditional cultures related to the forest

The forest is a kind of belief and culture for the local Tibetans: this belief and culture are closely connected with the protection of the whole forest ecosystem or an individual ancient tree.

First of all, the sacred forest belief and the protection of forest ecosystem: for local Tibetans, the forests on the sacred mountain are regarded as sacred forests. These forests belong to the mountain deity, and human beings have no right to use the resources in these forests. This belief objectively protects the ecosystems and biodiversity of these sacred forests. As a monk said:

“The worship of the sacred forest is our traditional belief. We believe that the sacred forest, its animals and plants, rivers and lakes are the property of the sacred mountain. People can’t log and hunt in the sacred forest, or pollute the rivers, lakes and springs in the sacred forest. Otherwise, the sacred mountain will punish people. For example, if someone goes to the forest to cut down trees, he or his family will be seriously ill; if someone goes to the forest to kill animals, his livestock will die inexplicably. All this is the punishment of the sacred mountain and the deities in the forest”.

Secondly, the divine tree belief and the protection of an ancient tree: in the forests and villages there are many ancient trees. These trees are huge and thick, so they are often regarded as divine trees by local Tibetans. These identified divine trees include walnut, pine, cypress, fir and so on. A piece of white silk, used as a greeting gift, and prayer flags are hung on the tree body to show their sanctity, and stone fences are built around the divine trees to protect them. People can’t cut and destroy the trees that are regarded as divine trees. An elderly villager said:

“There is a huge walnut tree in our village. We don’t know the age of the tree, but it must be hundreds of years old, judging by its diameter and girth. It must have been planted by our earliest ancestors who lived here. There is no historical record in our village. We don’t know how long we have lived here, but this walnut tree is a witness of our village’s history. It is connected with our ancestors, so this walnut tree is a divine tree and the guardian of our village”,

A herdsman who often goes to the mountain for grazing said:

“There is a huge fir tree in the alpine forest of our village. It must be hundreds of years old. Every time we pass this tree, we must offer white silk and prayer flags to pray for its protection, keep the wild animals away from our livestock, and let us collect more matsutake and other mushrooms”.

Because of this belief and traditional forest cultures, the forest ecosystem and its flora, fauna and biodiversity are well conserved, and many ancient trees in the area have been protected.

4.3 Community-based adaptation for climate change

In recent years, local Tibetans have become increasingly aware of climate change and its impact on the forest ecosystem, which in turn directly affects the traditional livelihood of the villagers. In this context, villagers developed a community-based approach that used their traditional knowledge to adapt to climate change.

This adaptation plan is first based on the community, and villagers are the core and leading of this plan, so that they can better play the role and value of their traditional knowledge. This adaptation plan is also an integrated approach, in addition to the villagers, but also including the government, researchers, NGO workers and other interest stakeholders, so as to maximize their own advantages, making the adaptation plan more effective.

Specifically, the adaptation plan addresses the impacts of climate change on forest ecosystems and the challenges of such changes to livelihoods. It includes the following three main parts.

4.3.1 Traditional knowledge of burning pasture and adaptive measures of animal husbandry

Historically, local herdsmen have used the traditional knowledge of burning pastures. The main reason for this is to burn the alpine shrubs and brambles that invade the pasture to maintain the area of the pasture and make the pasture have sufficient forage grass. At the same time, it can also improve the fertility of the pasture. In the next year, more forage grass will grow and its impact value will be higher.

It’s a rigorous set of traditional knowledge, not a random set of fires in the pastures. Before setting the fire, the villagers have a detailed plan, including the location and area of the fire, observation of wind direction and climate conditions, division of labor, excavation of fire belts to isolate other parts of the forest, firefighting measures and emergency plans, etc. For thousands of years, these methods have effectively reduced the risk of forest fire caused by burning pasture, improved the quality of pasture and maintained the development of animal husbandry.

However, today, due to the National Forest Protection Law, this traditional custom is strictly prohibited to prevent forest fires. At the same time, due to the impact of climate change, alpine shrubs and brambles have invaded alpine meadows at a faster speed than before, so the degradation of pastures is more serious. Many pastures are even completely occupied and replaced by alpine shrubs, and no longer suitable for grazing. Therefore, current national laws and measures such as returning farmland to forest and banning fire aggravate the spatial imbalance of grassland, bring greater pressure to the pasture, and restrict the sustainable development of animal husbandry in practice.

In this context, the villagers believe that traditional knowledge and methods of burning pastures should continue to be used to reduce the degradation of pastures caused by climate change, and hope that local governments and forestry authorities will allow them to set fire to alpine pastures. The local government also recognized this situation and its threat to animal husbandry, so with the cooperation of villagers, local government, forestry department and fire department, some areas with serious grassland degradation began to pilot burning pastures. The value and role of this traditional knowledge has been gradually recognized as a local measure to deal with grassland degradation and adapt to climate change (Jiao & Xu,2022).

4.3.2 Traditional institution of women’s organizations and adaptive measures of gathering

Traditionally, women are mainly engaged in the gathering of NTFP. In recent years, because of the variability of climate and the frequent occurrence of extreme weather disasters such as drought and rainstorms, the forest environment and the growth of mushrooms, including tricholoma matsutake, have been seriously affected.

As a result of long-term engagement in the collection of tricholoma matsutake and other mushrooms, women have accumulated rich traditional knowledge and formed a traditional management mechanism.

The impact of climate change makes some traditional knowledge invalid. For example, the gathering time of tricholoma matsutake is advanced or delayed; the local climate is changed, which leads to the decline of tricholoma matsutake production in traditional gathering areas; and the environment of tricholoma matsutake growth is changed etc. All these phenomena make it difficult for traditional knowledge to predict the growth of tricholoma matsutake, thus affecting women’s collection activities.

In this context, women further strengthen traditional management mechanism to adapt to climate change. In the local villages, there is a traditional women’s organization called “sisterhood”, which traditionally organizes women’s activities. After the negotiation and discussion of the villagers’ meeting, it was agreed that the sisterhood would be responsible for the collection of non-timber forest products. So, the sisterhood started to manage the tricholoma matsutake collection based on the traditional institution. First of all, in order to cope with the impact of drought or rainstorms on the growth environment of tricholoma matsutake, the sisters will remind each woman to protect their own tricholoma collection area, backfill humus soil or cover with leaves after collecting tricholoma matsutake, so that the area can continue to grow tricholoma matsutake next year. Secondly, the sisterhood established a strict collection system, stipulating the size and length of the collected tricholoma matsutake: only mature tricholoma matsutake of more than 4 cm can be collected. At the same time, it restricted outside villagers from entering the forest to collect tricholoma matsutake, in order to protect resources and economic interests, and fined the outside villagers who collected without permission. A local woman said:

“It is more effective for women to manage forests and collect tricholoma matsutake. Women are more familiar with the growth environment and climate conditions of tricholoma matsutake and know how to protect its resources. The sisterhood can formulate and implement strict rules and regulations to protect the forest and manage the matsutake resources in our village. If men do these things, they are prone to conflict or even fight, so that the rules and regulations cannot be implemented. But now it’s up to us women to do it. Men are embarrassed to quarrel with us, and there are few conflicts between women, so the implementation of rules and regulations is more effective.”

Traditional organizations and traditional management mechanisms can play an irreplaceable role in climate change adaptation plans. The actions of the sisterhood have proved this. The rules and regulations of forest protection and matsutake resource management formulated by them are the specific methods of local adaptation to climate change (Yin et al., 2018).

4.3.3 Traditional ways of forest utilization and agricultural adaptive measures

Locally, forests provide farmyard manure for agriculture. As mentioned above, villagers cut down branches and leaves and stock them up for farmyard manure. In recent years, villagers have observed the impact of climate change on this part of the forest. They believe that climate warming makes the recovery and regeneration of trees in the forest slow down. Therefore, the villagers can no longer cut down as casually as before.

In order to adapt to this situation, the villagers divide the agricultural forest into different areas according to tradition, and formulate rules and regulations to regulate the cutting of trees. Specific regulations include: first, after dividing the forest into several areas, the first area that can be cut down is determined every year. The villagers should cut down trees in this area in accordance with the regulations. In the following years, they should cut down trees in other areas in turn, and finally return to the first area. Secondly, in the same area, dry wood and wet wood should be distinguished, and dry wood should be used as much as possible.

The villagers believe that the above methods can maximize the use of forest resources to provide farmyard manure for agriculture and adapt to the impact of climate warming.

5. Conclusion

This research shows the traditional forest knowledge of the Tibetan in the eastern Himalayas region of China, which includes the understanding, customary law and culture of forest. This research considers that traditional knowledge is the core and foundation of community-based forest management for local Tibetans. In the context of climate change, this research provides insights of high importance on the potential role and value of traditional knowledge and community-based forest management in enhancing the effectiveness of the local climate change adaption plan in the Eastern Himalayas.

Therefore, this research attempts to show the local Tibetan people’s observation of climate change, management of forest resources, and adoption of coping strategies to adapt to climate change and its impact on forest resources. In this process, we can see that it is not enough to rely on traditional knowledge alone. To adapt to climate change, in addition to relying on community-based forest management, we must also form cooperation mechanisms among multi-stakeholders, including villagers, local governments, scientific researchers and NGOs, to coordinate traditional knowledge, national policies, scientific knowledge and technology together and finally build an integrated climate change adaptation plan.

This research also provides a gender perspective on climate change adaptation. Because of women’s important position in forest management and livelihood, their traditional knowledge has potential value and forms a unique traditional institution, which makes women play a special role in the process of adapting to climate change.

Finally, in this research, although a climate change adaptation plan based on traditional knowledge and forest management methods is only a local strategy of the Tibetan in the East Himalaya region of China, this local adaptation strategy also contains a global perspective in the context of the impact of global climate change on indigenous peoples. The value of traditional knowledge, the mechanism of cooperation among multi-stakeholders, and the special role of women embodied in it can be used for reference by indigenous peoples in other regions of the world in establishing adaptation strategies to climate change.

 

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